גאווערנער קאמאו׳ס אפיס פארמישט אין קארופציע סקאנדאל

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די אחראים: אחראי, געלעגער

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

גאווערנער קאמאו׳ס אפיס פארמישט אין קארופציע סקאנדאל

תגובהדורך מחותן » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 8:40 am

גאווענער קאמאו׳ס אפיס געהילפן האבן געשטערט א אלבעני עטיק קאמיטי פון אויספארשען עטיק פארלעצנוגען פון קאמאו׳ס קאמפיין.

ווי באוויסט האט גאוואנער קאמאו אויפגעשטעלט א שטארק פאוערפול קאמיטטע וואס זאל אויספארשען קארופציע אין אלבאני, די קאמיטי האט פלייסיג געטיען זייער ארבייט אוו זיי זענענן אנגעקימען ביז דעם גאוואנערס אפיס, זיי האבן ארויסגעשיקט צוויי סופינע׳ס צו א געוויסע קאמפאני וואס האט געהאט שייכות מיטען גאוואנער׳ס קאמפיין, און די סופינע האט געלאנדעט אויפן גאוואנער׳ס הויפט געהילף דעסק..

די גאוואנער׳ס געהילפן זענענן געווארען אלעמירט דערפון און זיי האבן באפוילען די קאמיטע באאמטע (וועם קאמאו האט געשטעלט אויף די פאזציע) צירוק צו ציען די סופינע... און זיי האבן געפאלגט און עס צירוק געצויגען,

אבער זעענדיג אז די קאמיטע פארשטייט נישט קיין עסק און זיי פארשען אויס אפילו זיין אדמענסטראציע... און כאטש אז ער האט עסטאבלישט די קאמיטי דאך באקימט ער נישט קיין אימיונטי דערפון.. האט ער אנגעהויבן באגרענצען די ארבייט און די צייט פינעם קאמיטי...

די ליבעראלע נ״י טיימס האט היינט דינסטאג געבראכען די נייעס, און געשריבען א לענגערע באריכט וואס גייט אריין אין דיטעלס פינעם סקאנדאל, און ווי שטארק די גאוואנער איז געווען פארמישט דערין.

ק.נ.א. שיקט ארויס זייערע אינוועסטעגעטיוו ריפארטערס צום נושא, האפענטליך וועלן זיי צירוק בקרוב מיט א לענגערע באריכט..

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: מיטוואך אפריל 13, 2011 3:44 pm

תגובהדורך הערליך » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 8:45 am

יושש דער אלבעני האט אזא שווארץ מזל

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דאנארשטאג יוני 20, 2013 11:57 am
לאקאציע: אין קינדערישע הענט...

תגובהדורך פלעכטער » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 10:00 am

ענדליך עפעס א סקאנדאל אויף אים.

ביז יעצט איז אים כמעט אלעס גוט געגאנגען.
ווען וועלט וואלט געווען וועלט, וואלט עס געהייסן אייוועלט!

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 10:05 am

כ'האב נישט געליינט דעם ארטיקל, אבער געוויסע באשלוסן אין יעדע איינציגע רעגירונג קערפערשאפט קען מען אנרופן "קארופציע".

דארף מען יעצט נאר פארשטיין וואס די נ"י טיימס האט קעגן דעם גאווערנאר. צו זאגן אז זיי ווילן העלפן דעם וועסטשעסטער קאונטי עקזעקוטיוו אינעם גאווערנאר פארמעסט, איז זייער שווער. אפשר ווילן זיי אים נישט האבן אינעם 16' דעמאקראטישער פרעזידענט פריימערי? גיי ווייס פאר וועלכען קאמפיין זיי ארבייטן. אפשר טאקע קענען זיי יא באשטיין צו מאכן אביסל לעבעדיג דעם גארווערנאר פארמעסט?

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: זונטאג מארטש 29, 2009 10:02 am

תגובהדורך משמש » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 10:08 am

מידער האט געשריבן:דארף מען יעצט נאר פארשטיין וואס די נ"י טיימס האט קעגן דעם גאווערנאר. צו זאגן אז זיי ווילן העלפן דעם וועסטשעסטער קאונטי עקזעקוטיוו אינעם גאווערנאר פארמעסט, איז זייער שווער. אפשר ווילן זיי אים נישט האבן אינעם 16' דעמאקראטישער פרעזידענט פריימערי? גיי ווייס פאר וועלכען קאמפיין זיי ארבייטן. אפשר טאקע קענען זיי יא באשטיין צו מאכן אביסל לעבעדיג דעם גארווערנאר פארמעסט?


אין פאל איר ווייסט נישט, די ני"ט, אויסער זייער אגענדע, שרייבן זיי נייעס אויך....
קאמענטארן זענען איבעריג?! אינגאנצן נישט!

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 10:15 am

אה, דאס איז מיר נישט איינגעפאלן...

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 10:31 am

מידער האט געשריבן:כ'האב נישט געליינט דעם ארטיקל,


נאדיר די ארטיקעל, {למען האמת איך האב נישט געליינט די גאנצע ארטיקעל נאר די ערשטע חלק און זיך פארלאזט אז קנ"א וועט אהער ברענגן די איבריגע אויף אידיש}
Cuomo’s Office Hobbled State Ethics Inquiries
Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and the Short Life of the Moreland Commission

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

With Albany rocked by a seemingly endless barrage of scandals and arrests, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo set up a high-powered commission last summer to root out corruption in state politics. It was barely two months old when its investigators, hunting for violations of campaign-finance laws, issued a subpoena to a media-buying firm that had placed millions of dollars’ worth of advertisements for the New York State Democratic Party.

The investigators did not realize that the firm, Buying Time, also counted Mr. Cuomo among its clients, having bought the airtime for his campaign when he ran for governor in 2010.

Word that the subpoena had been served quickly reached Mr. Cuomo’s most senior aide, Lawrence S. Schwartz. He called one of the commission’s three co-chairs, William J. Fitzpatrick, the district attorney in Syracuse.

With Albany rocked by a seemingly endless barrage of scandals and arrests, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo set up a high-powered commission last summer to root out corruption in state politics. It was barely two months old when its investigators, hunting for violations of campaign-finance laws, issued a subpoena to a media-buying firm that had placed millions of dollars’ worth of advertisements for the New York State Democratic Party.

The investigators did not realize that the firm, Buying Time, also counted Mr. Cuomo among its clients, having bought the airtime for his campaign when he ran for governor in 2010.

Word that the subpoena had been served quickly reached Mr. Cuomo’s most senior aide, Lawrence S. Schwartz. He called one of the commission’s three co-chairs, William J. Fitzpatrick, the district attorney in Syracuse.

While he allowed the commission the independence to investigate whatever it wanted, the governor’s office said, it would have been a conflict for a panel he created to investigate his own administration.

“A commission appointed by and staffed by the executive cannot investigate the executive,” the statement said. “It is a pure conflict of interest and would not pass the laugh test.”

Yet, The Times found that the governor’s office interfered with the commission when it was looking into groups that were politically close to him. In fact, the commission never tried to investigate his administration.

Beyond that, Mr. Cuomo’s office said, the commission needed the governor’s guiding hand because it was, simply, a mess: Its staff was plagued by “relationship issues” and was “mired in discord.” The commissioners, whom he earlier called some of New York’s sharpest governmental and legal minds, “did not understand the budget or legislative process or how state government worked,” the statement said. Their subpoenas often had “no logic or basis,” and those that touched on the governor’s supporters were more for show than for legitimate investigative purposes, the statement said.

At the center of the battle between independent-minded commissioners and Mr. Cuomo and his aides were two hard-charging lawyers: E. Danya Perry, a former federal prosecutor who was the panel’s chief of investigations; and Regina M. Calcaterra, a former securities lawyer who, as the commission’s executive director, routinely conveyed the wishes of the governor’s office.

Working closely with Ms. Calcaterra was Mr. Schwartz, the secretary to the governor, a job far more powerful than the title suggests.

Yet never far from the action was Mr. Cuomo himself, making the most of the levers of power at his disposal and operating behind closed doors in ways that sometimes appeared at odds with his public statements.

Over two days of meetings with the commission’s co-chairs last September, Mr. Cuomo personally suggested a way to squeeze members of the Legislature into enacting ethics-reform measures: by issuing subpoenas to the law firms where many legislators earn sizable incomes for part-time work.

(Months later, however, Mr. Cuomo made it sound as if he bore no responsibility for those subpoenas: In a private meeting, according to one of the participants, he ascribed the subpoenas to “cowboys” on the commission.)

In another pressure-packed session, Mr. Schwartz specifically told the commission’s co-chairs that the governor himself was off limits.

As if to demonstrate the competing views of interference, Mr. Fitzpatrick now says he agreed with the decision to pull back the subpoena to the governor’s media-buying firm, though others on the commission were outraged.

Many of them, including some of New York’s most senior prosecutors, had believed they would have free rein to pursue investigations wherever they led and would be independent of the executive branch. What became of the commission left many of them disillusioned.

“The thing that bothered me the most is we were created with all this fanfare and the governor was going to clean up Albany,” said Barbara Bartoletti, legislative director for the League of Women Voters of New York State and a special adviser to the commission. “And it became purely a vehicle for the governor to get legislation. Another notch for his re-election campaign. That was it.”


Creating a Commission


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

New York State government had always seen its share of scandal, but it had become nearly synonymous with corruption when Mr. Cuomo was elected in 2010, promising to restore integrity to Albany. But by early last year, the parade of handcuffed officials had not subsided. In little more than a month, three state legislators were arrested on federal charges; one of them was accused of trying to bribe his way onto the New York City mayoral ballot, and another had sold legislation for cash.

On July 2, 2013, Mr. Cuomo took a seat at a long table in the stately Red Room adjoining his private office on the second floor of the Capitol building. With him were Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman and district attorneys from across the state.

Mr. Cuomo said the rash of scandals had shaken the public’s confidence, and he announced he was creating a formidable new commission, investing it with subpoena power and giving it until the end of 2014 to crack down on public corruption as never before.

It was called a Moreland Commission, after a 1907 law that governors had long used to create panels to investigate wrongdoing and recommend legislative improvements.

“The people of this state should sleep better tonight,” Mr. Cuomo said.

Three people would lead the panel, formally named the Commission to Investigate Public Corruption. The governor selected two: the affable and blunt-spoken Mr. Fitzpatrick, the longtime district attorney in Onondaga County and a Republican; and Kathleen M. Rice, the Nassau County district attorney and a Democrat.

Mr. Schneiderman, a Democrat, recommended nine of the 25 members, including the third leader: Milton L. Williams Jr., a former state and federal prosecutor and partner at the Manhattan law firm of Vladeck, Waldman, Elias & Engelhard. A unanimous vote of the commission’s three leaders would be required to issue a subpoena.

“I believe, with the credibility of this commission, you can go a long way towards restoring that public trust,” Mr. Cuomo said.

The members included prosecutors, professors and lawyers, some with close ties to Mr. Cuomo. Yet Mr. Fitzpatrick, seated to Mr. Cuomo’s left, said the commission could proceed freely, even if the governor’s own fund-raising came under scrutiny.

“He’s not looking for rubber stamps,” Mr. Fitzpatrick said. “He’s looking for an independent commission, and we’ll do what Deep Throat told Bob Woodward to do: Follow the money.”

Two weeks later, the newly formed commission was being advertised in a 30-second television spot paid for by Mr. Cuomo’s re-election campaign.

“Trust is everything to me,” the governor said, looking into the camera. He said, “So I am appointing a new independent commission, led by top law enforcement officials from all across this great state, to investigate and prosecute wrongdoing.”

“The politicians in Albany won’t like it,” he said. “But I work for the people.”


Resistance From Above

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

Being hired by the commission, one young investigator said, “had all the makings of a dream job.”

The investigators set up shop in an office building in Lower Manhattan. In their cross hairs from the outset were the pots of money that had long spawned scandals in the Legislature: campaign donations and spending; the easy-to-abuse expense reimbursements known as per diem payments; and the outside income that some lawmakers earned in lucrative part-time jobs, often at law firms representing clients with business before the state.

A consulting firm, K2 Intelligence, was hired to search databases for donations linked to the passage of legislation or to the awarding of state contracts.

But as investigators asked questions, they found themselves inquiring about matters related to the governor’s supporters. And this led to confrontations between Ms. Perry, the commission’s chief investigator, and Ms. Calcaterra, its executive director.

While Ms. Perry was a senior prosecutor who had handled one of the nation’s largest immigration-fraud cases and a huge disability-fraud case, she was a newcomer to politics.

Ms. Calcaterra, by contrast, had spent years in and out of government and Democratic politics and ran for State Senate herself in 2010, before being disqualified because of a residency requirement. She had led Mr. Cuomo’s first Moreland panel, which dug into utility companies’ responses to Hurricane Sandy. (She had also written a memoir about her troubled childhood, which prompted a New York Post headline: “I Was Homeless — Now I’m Fabulous.”)

One of the first roadblocks Ms. Perry and her investigators encountered came when they sought to subpoena the Real Estate Board of New York, a powerful trade group whose members have been among Mr. Cuomo’s most generous supporters.

According to a subpoena that had been prepared, investigators wanted to examine the real estate board’s political donations, its materials related to a valuable tax break for new housing, and its communications with public officials, including phone calls with lawmakers.

Ms. Calcaterra repeatedly pressed Ms. Perry not to serve the subpoena, emails show. Yet the commission backed Ms. Perry, and on Aug. 19, she wrote to the co-chairs that she would be sharing a subpoena with them “shortly.”

Whereupon Mr. Cuomo’s office stepped in to shut it down.

Mr. Schwartz, the secretary to the governor, telephoned one of the commission’s three leaders in a fury, according to four people briefed on the call. There would be no subpoena to the real estate board, he said.

Ultimately, the commission merely sent the real estate board a letter asking it to provide information voluntarily, which it did.

In a statement, Mr. Schwartz, who is not a lawyer, did not address specific subpoenas but generally acknowledged giving the commission “advice on investigative or tactical decisions,” but only to improve its “effectiveness and fairness.” He added that he often said that investigative decisions were ultimately up to the co-chairs.

Around the same time, commission investigators also decided to subpoena a major retailer to see if its donations were linked to passage of a tax credit.

This, too, was met with resistance from Ms. Calcaterra.

The rationale? The tax credit had been included in Mr. Cuomo’s budget, she told Ms. Perry, so any questions raised about it could reflect poorly on him, according to several people apprised of the exchange.

On Aug. 28, Ms. Perry forwarded an email chain about the resistance to Ms. Rice, the panel’s co-chairwoman, who sent it along to the other two. “Danya can’t be prevented from doing the most basic and noncontroversial aspects of her job,” Ms. Rice wrote. “Thoughts??” (Ms. Rice, through a spokesman, declined to comment for this article.)

Mr. Fitzpatrick was exasperated. “The 2d Floor (Larry) needs to understand this is an INDEPENDENT commission and needs to be treated as such,” he wrote, referring to Mr. Schwartz and to the location of the governor’s office in the Capitol. He added that “everything we discuss does not need to be fed back to Floor 2.”

“I am not wasting 15 months of my quickly shortening life to write some silly report that Lewis and Clark couldn’t find in five years!” Mr. Fitzpatrick wrote.

Publicly, though, Mr. Fitzpatrick betrayed no sign of the turmoil in the commission and said a number of times that the governor’s office had not interfered — and his seemingly contradictory positions became a source of growing frustration to staff and commission members.


Uprising


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

Investigators began to suspect that Ms. Calcaterra was monitoring their activities and reporting back to the governor’s office.

At times, commissioners and staff members said, she appeared to be updating Mr. Schwartz, practically in real time, with rapid-fire messages from her BlackBerry. The two also spoke frequently by phone.

A sense of paranoia spread through the office, where, one staff member said, the mood began to resemble that of a prison camp. Ms. Perry told investigators to assume that Ms. Calcaterra was indeed reading their emails. One investigator told colleagues he had become convinced that it was true after Ms. Calcaterra asked him about something he had mentioned only once, in a message he had emailed from his Moreland account to his personal account.

Investigators began keeping files on their laptops rather than on a shared drive, several staff members said, so that Ms. Calcaterra would not be able to gain access to them.

Independence and interference were, not surprisingly, on the agenda when the full commission met on Aug. 29 in a law firm’s Midtown Manhattan office.

Ms. Perry and Ms. Calcaterra were seated near one another. The two were barely on speaking terms.

Ms. Perry was asked to give an update on investigations. Prompted by one of the co-chairs, she began to detail some of the obstacles she and her investigators faced, attendees said: The governor’s office was editing letters, telling her what subpoenas she could not issue and dictating what investigative avenues she could not pursue. Her voice cracked with emotion.

And Ms. Calcaterra typed away furiously on her BlackBerry.

That same day, Mr. Cuomo publicly affirmed that even his own political dealings would be fair game for the commission investigators. “They have total ability to look at whatever they want to look at,” he told reporters during a stop upstate.

Yet at least four commissioners — including the district attorneys from Broome, Erie and Rockland Counties — began discussing quitting the panel to protest the interference from Mr. Cuomo’s office, commissioners said.

“There were some people that expressed the view that, ‘Look, it’s the governor, he created us, he gets to say what he wants,’ ” one commissioner said. “That was not my understanding going in. And it was not what he said at the press conference, and it was not what most of us wanted to do — participating in a commission that was not independent.”

Ms. Rice proposed asking the governor’s office to replace Ms. Calcaterra, according to emails and interviews. Others wanted to seek control over the commission’s budget and personnel, or halt communications between the governor’s office and commission staff. Several wanted to ask Mr. Cuomo to put in writing any promises of such changes.

Nothing came of the talk.

Ms. Perry was somewhat successful, however, in fending off Ms. Calcaterra’s efforts to be informed about all subpoenas in advance. She argued that Ms. Calcaterra had clearly been tipping off the governor’s office.

The three co-chairs, emails show, told Ms. Perry not to inform Ms. Calcaterra about subpoenas until just before they were served. Hearing this, Ms. Calcaterra accused the three of treating her like a “glorified secretary,” according to people involved with the commission.

A lawyer for Ms. Calcaterra, Marc L. Mukasey, declined to answer questions for this article, but said, “Regina at all times acted in good faith.”


An Appointment With Cuomo


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

Fearful that the commission was headed off the rails, Mr. Fitzpatrick asked for a meeting with Mr. Cuomo.

Around 3 p.m. on Sept. 17, Mr. Fitzpatrick and his two co-chairs arrived at the governor’s office in Midtown.

Before their audience with Mr. Cuomo, they were ushered into Mr. Schwartz’s office. They quickly got down to business.

Mr. Fitzpatrick raised the subjects of Ms. Calcaterra’s attempts to influence the commission’s investigations, and of Mr. Schwartz’s own meddling, according to one participant at the meeting and others briefed on it.

“The interference has got to stop,” Mr. Fitzpatrick said, according to the participant. It was causing friction, he said, and commissioners were threatening to quit.

Mr. Schwartz assured the three that he had wanted only to be helpful.

The governor’s office needed to be kept in the loop, he said, so that subpoenas that were ill advised or potentially embarrassing to the governor did not get served.

The message was simple: The co-chairs might be astute in matters of law, but Mr. Schwartz, an experienced government hand, was more highly attuned to political appearances.

Mr. Schwartz said the commission was examining conduct that was “understood” in Albany but might look “funny” to outsiders, according to the participant, whose account was corroborated by others with knowledge of the discussion.

“Things can be twisted against the governor by the Legislature,” the participant recalled Mr. Schwartz’s saying. “You are looking at places where there may be no wrongdoing, but people will twist it to make it look like there was.”

Then, the participant recalled, Mr. Schwartz drew a bright line: The Moreland Commission, he said, had been created to investigate the Legislature; it was not intended to scrutinize the governor’s actions.

In fact, the executive order creating the commission had said nothing about restricting its focus to the Legislature or placing the governor’s office out of reach.

Mr. Schwartz also dismissed any talk of replacing Ms. Calcaterra. “Let me be clear,” he said, according to the participant. “She is not going anywhere.”

Mr. Fitzpatrick and his two colleagues, escorted by Mr. Schwartz, then entered the governor’s private office.

As his guests sat in red armchairs, the blue carpeting beneath their feet bearing the seal of New York State, Mr. Cuomo expressed support and sympathy for their effort and predicament.

He understood their concerns about interference, he said. He would give the commission the space it needed to do its work — and more resources, too.

“I will get what you need,” Mr. Cuomo promised, according to a person who was in the room.

He then offered tactical advice about how to go after the Legislature.

Lawmakers had so far provided little information to the commission. Investigators were eager to fire off subpoenas to force the issue. But Mr. Cuomo said legislators would just sue to quash them on constitutional grounds. “It’s too risky,” he said, according to the person in the room.

That night, the commission held its first public hearing. The lead-off witness was Preet Bharara, the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, who urged the panel to adopt a much more aggressive approach.

Mr. Bharara encouraged commissioners to make full use of their subpoena power, develop cases worth prosecuting and avoid overlooking minor offenses. He asked them to consider recommending that politicians convicted of corruption be stripped of their pensions.

And he left them with an admonition: Let no one be immune, “whether in the legislative or in the executive branch.”

“In all things,” Mr. Bharara added, “toughness and independence will pay off.”

In the morning, the three co-chairs heard from Mr. Cuomo’s office again. He wanted them to come back in.

The governor offered a new suggestion, according to a person in the room: Rather than subpoenaing lawmakers themselves, the commission should subpoena their law firms and partners.

Many legislators, including three of the most powerful — Sheldon Silver, a Democrat who is the Assembly speaker, and the Senate’s co-leaders, Dean G. Skelos, Republican of Long Island, and Jeffrey D. Klein, Democrat of the Bronx — work for law firms, some of which pay them high salaries. Demanding records from their firms would sidestep any constitutional objections.

Mr. Cuomo, appearing energized, assured the co-chairs that he had never seen lawmakers so scared, the person said.

He urged them to open their own talks with the Legislature on a package of ethics reforms.

Two of the commission’s leaders expressed skepticism. But the governor pressed. So they agreed to give it a try.


Subpoena Pulled Back


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

A day later, however, the subpoena to the media-buying firm with ties to Mr. Cuomo, Buying Time, was approved — setting off alarm bells in the governor’s office.

Moreland investigators had been looking for violations of campaign-finance laws involving the so-called housekeeping accounts of political parties, which may be used only for routine expenses like office rent, not to promote candidates. There is no limit on donations to these accounts, and the controls on how the money is spent are notoriously loose.

Investigators noticed that the state Democratic Party’s housekeeping account had begun paying Buying Time for television advertising in 2013. The payments exceeded $4 million, records show. Investigators wanted to know what sort of ads had been placed, and if campaign laws had been broken by the party in the process.a

But unbeknown to the co-chairs and commission staff, Mr. Cuomo was by far Buying Time’s biggest client in New York, spending some $20 million on ads since his ill-fated bid for governor in 2002.

“We really didn’t anticipate any problems,” one commissioner said.

The subpoena went out the next day, Sept. 20. Mr. Schwartz, the governor’s secretary, quickly found out and called Mr. Fitzpatrick, who agreed to order it rescinded.

At 1:53 p.m., Ms. Perry emailed investigators with “URGENT” in the subject line. Ms. Calcaterra, she wrote, was asking “which subpoenas have been served” and directing that no others go out “until further notice.”

Ms. Perry then alerted the co-chairs. “I am trying to remain calm,” she wrote.

One minute, Ms. Perry got a note from a lawyer for Buying Time, promising cooperation; four minutes later, the lawyer wrote back to confirm that the subpoena had been withdrawn.

“Why did this one get clawed back?” Mr. Williams, a co-chairman, asked Ms. Perry in an email

“They apparently have produced ads for the governor,” she wrote back. (A lawyer for Mr. Williams declined to comment, as did a lawyer for Ms. Perry, citing her status as a potential witness in the continuing federal inquiry.)

In an email responding to questions from The Times, Mr. Fitzpatrick said that Mr. Schwartz had made a compelling argument for pulling back the subpoena: Investigators were looking into the funneling of money between two other political groups, and Buying Time had nothing to do with that. Mr. Fitzpatrick said he agreed that subpoenaing Buying Time went beyond what investigators had been looking for.

“Did Larry ‘interfere’ or did he give good advice?” Mr. Fitzpatrick said. “I feel the latter.”

(Investigators, however, were interested in Buying Time because of its work for the Democratic housekeeping account, several people briefed on the matter say. Mr. Fitzpatrick said he explained his actions at the panel’s next meeting. But some commissioners said they strongly took issue with his decision.)

The following Monday, Sept. 23, Ms. Perry pleaded for backup.

“Someone needs to tell Regina that she does not have this authority,” she wrote to the co-chairs, referring to Ms. Calcaterra. “It is simply not her job to be reviewing subpoenas in the first instance, and certainly not her job to be continually calling off process servers, against your instructions.”

The commission decided to hold off on issuing new subpoenas until it was able to determine what the legislative leaders might agree to in terms of ethics reform.

The answer was not much.

On Sept. 30, the three co-chairs met with top Assembly and Senate aides in the governor’s Midtown office. Mr. Schwartz sat in. Mr. Cuomo did not.

Heeding the governor’s advice, the three arrived with a list of proposals, including public financing of campaigns, beefing up corruption laws, and expanding disclosure of lawmakers’ outside incomes.

Their proposals bombed, according to people in the room.

“This is a witch hunt,” said Robert F. Mujica, chief of staff for the Senate Republicans.

David L. Lewis, a lawyer for Senate Republicans, objected to a measure that would toughen the penalties for lawmakers convicted of corruption.

“Are you suggesting a 30-year member of the Legislature be robbed of their pension because of one indiscretion?” he asked, attendees recalled.

Mr. Fitzpatrick responded with one word: “Yes.”

The commission gave up any hope of legislative cooperation. It sent subpoenas to the outside employers of a number of lawmakers, and even asked for records of the keycards the legislators used to get into their law firms’ offices.

In the end, Buying Time did receive a subpoena, on Oct. 16, and this time, Mr. Cuomo’s office did not object. A flurry of reports in The Daily News and elsewhere had accused Mr. Cuomo of interfering with the commission’s work, and commissioners said they sensed a momentary easing of pressure from the governor’s office.


A Fight for Every Word


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

The respite did not last long.

In his charge to the Moreland Commission, Mr. Cuomo had directed that it produce a preliminary report by early December. What resulted provided a grim assessment of state government as “a pay-to-play political culture driven by large checks,” and offered a long menu of recommendations to curtail the influence of money in Albany.

In the end, the author was handpicked by the governor’s office.

The resistance was particularly overwhelming when the commission tried to include information that the governor’s aides said could reflect poorly on Mr. Cuomo.

Ms. Perry was adamant that the preliminary report cover what investigators had learned about the powerful Real Estate Board of New York and its political donations.

Documents unearthed by investigators included an unusually direct memorandum sent by Steven Spinola, the organization’s president, asking members to donate to Assembly Democrats.

“I can tell you that in private meetings with the speaker, the Senate majority leader and the governor, our past efforts to maintain a personal and supportive relationship was critical in shaping the outcome” of legislation, Mr. Spinola wrote, according to an email from Ms. Perry to the co-chairs that quoted the memo.

“Our future ability to adopt favorable legislation, stop terrible legislation or modify legislation to limit the pain to our industry is directly tied to our continued positive relationship,” Mr. Spinola added.

In her email, Ms. Perry described Mr. Spinola’s memo as “explicitly stating the obvious point that a ‘supportive relationship’ (i.e., the contribution of money) yields legislative ‘outcome.’ ”

“This is exactly a key point of our report and, I think, should be included,” she said.

Ms. Perry also wanted the report to highlight her team’s discovery of email correspondence from a major New York City builder, Extell Development, about a coming fund-raiser for Mr. Cuomo tied to his birthday. The email discussed what amounted to a perfectly legal sidestepping of campaign-donation limits: funneling money through a series of limited-liability companies.

“As you know,” Ms. Perry wrote, “I strongly believe we should include whichever docs we think will add the most value in the report and include them without fear or favor, as they say.”

The report did recommend closing the limited-liability company loophole. But it omitted any mention of the real estate board, the governor’s birthday party or Extell.

Another section addressed independent groups that had become big political spenders while sometimes keeping their donors’ identities secret. Mr. Cuomo’s executive order creating the commission had directed it to examine the activities of such groups. Yet the biggest lobbying spender in 2011 and 2012 was one that was created to support the governor’s own agenda: the Committee to Save New York, which spent more than $16 million and did not disclose where its money came from.

Mr. Schwartz had urged the co-chairs early on to steer clear of the Committee to Save New York.

“Larry made clear to me that he was concerned about the perception of subpoenas going to that entity so closely affiliated with the governor,” Mr. Fitzpatrick said in his email to The Times.

Mr. Fitzpatrick said he argued the opposite to Mr. Schwartz: that to avoid looking at entities related to Mr. Cuomo “would be bad for the governor in the eyes of the public.” He added, “We simply disagreed on that point.”

Still, Ms. Perry made sure that the Cuomo-friendly group was mentioned in drafts of the report. In the final product, however, it was gone — deleted by Ms. Calcaterra, according to a marked-up page obtained by The Times.

A section on campaign-finance reform became the report’s final battleground.

Many commissioners wanted the report to embrace the use of public matching funds for political campaigns — a system they saw as vital to curbing the influence of big donors, and one that the governor had publicly supported but never expended much political capital on. But Ms. Calcaterra sought to play down the idea, people who spoke to her said.

When proponents successfully pushed to give it more prominent play in the report, other commissioners, including some of Mr. Cuomo’s most loyal appointees, insisted on writing a dissent.

The dissenters argued that matching funds would accomplish little, given the recent deluge of spending by outside political groups, and that the commission had found no “persuasive evidence” that public financing would discourage corruption.

The debate focused increasingly on minutiae.

On the morning of Dec. 2, the day the report was to be released, the dissenters pressed to have the report state that only a “majority” of commissioners recommended public financing of campaigns.

They were overruled because supporters believed that using the word was meant to highlight the lack of unanimity and help opponents scuttle the recommendation.

At 5:52 p.m., the co-chairs received the latest draft of the report. Before they approved it, copies were sent to the news media — with the word “majority” inserted after all.

Mr. Williams raced upstairs in the commission’s offices to confront Ms. Calcaterra. She called it an unintentional mistake.

“You better fix it now,” he snapped, according to a person who was there.

Ms. Calcaterra assured him she would.

But that evening, commission staff members toasting the report’s release at a nearby bar heard Mr. Williams yelling into his cellphone at Ms. Calcaterra. He was still demanding that the word “majority” be deleted.

“I am not backing down,” he shouted. “You cannot operate like this.”

Sometime that night, the report was quietly rereleased, with the offending language excised.


A Swift Demise

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

The good feelings generated by the preliminary report’s release did not last long. Many of those involved with the commission realized the end was near.

The investigation into lawmakers’ outside earnings — what a Senate aide had called a witch hunt — had ended up in court, with no resolution in sight.

Ms. Rice, the co-chairwoman from Nassau County, resigned in January to run for Congress.

A month later, Ms. Perry, the investigations chief, also stepped down.

Still, investigators had made headway. One promising area was lawmakers suspected of using their campaign treasuries for personal expenses.

Investigators had zeroed in on some 20 legislators. One state senator appeared to be supporting a girlfriend in Connecticut and paying tanning-salon bills. Another was suspected of throwing parties for his grandchildren and buying them gifts.

District attorneys on the commission clamored to have the cases referred to them for prosecution. P. David Soares, the Albany district attorney, was especially insistent.

“Fitzy,” he wrote to Mr. Fitzpatrick on Feb. 24, in slightly risqué terms, “I’m not a petty person but I did travel a lot to be with Moreland. I even paid for lunch and dinner. Was it too much to ask for just one referral? On the cheek? Just one iddy biddy (sp) referral?”

He signed the email “Restless in Albany.”

Mr. Soares never got the files he was waiting for.


Epilogue

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

The demise of the Moreland Commission was nothing like its birth.

To announce its creation, Mr. Cuomo held a news conference at the Capitol, and then barnstormed the state, making appearances near Binghamton, outside Buffalo and on Long Island.

His comments on the shutdown lasted 63 seconds.

It was March 29, less than 72 hours before the state budget deadline. Mr. Cuomo announced a budget deal with lawmakers that included some modest improvements in state ethics laws — strengthening bribery and corruption statutes and enhancing election-law enforcement.

Only when a reporter asked did Mr. Cuomo address the fate of the Moreland Commission and its more ambitious mission. The governor said he had achieved his goal of a deal on legislation, so the panel would be shut down.

Ms. Calcaterra exulted: On a conference call with staff members, a participant recalled, she checked off the ethics-reform measures, and asked, “Are you doing shots?”

But Mr. Bharara, the United States attorney, was deeply troubled. In his testimony at the commission’s public hearing in September, he had encouraged it to act aggressively, stand tough and safeguard their independence.

Now, some Moreland officials were concerned their work could wind up in the trash.

On April 9, Mr. Bharara and the head of his public-corruption unit met with the two remaining co-chairmen, Mr. Fitzpatrick and Mr. Williams.

Mr. Bharara was “laser-locked on the shenanigans from the second floor,” one attendee said. The prosecutor noted that the commission had been formed in response to the series of cases his office had brought against lawmakers — and observed how ironic it was that he was now looking into whether the governor had shut down investigations out of political expediency.

The next morning, in an appearance on WNYC radio, Mr. Bharara assailed the governor for shutting down the panel. It was an extraordinary rebuke.

Even as Mr. Bharara spoke, he said, his investigators were on their way to box up and cart off the commission’s files. Soon after, he directed Mr. Cuomo’s office to preserve records related to its own involvement with the panel.

Mr. Cuomo later asserted that the Moreland Commission had never, in fact, been independent of him. His involvement, he argued, therefore could not be considered meddling at all.

“It’s my commission,” the governor told Crain’s New York Business in late April. “I can’t ‘interfere’ with it, because it is mine. It is controlled by me.”

But as the federal prosecutor investigates the Moreland panel’s short life and sudden death, questions remain as to why Mr. Cuomo set it up in the first place, and how it fit his agenda.

Meeting with good-government advocates not long after announcing the panel’s shutdown, Mr. Cuomo said that he had never meant to use it merely as leverage. “You can’t set up a government investigations committee to extort the Legislature to act,” he said.

On the other hand, he acknowledged that he had made clear to lawmakers in 2013 that if they did not give him the ethics reforms he wanted, he would set up such a commission until they caved in to his demands.

“They thought it was really abusive, and this was just a lever of using subpoenas and embarrassment to extort them to do something that they didn’t want to do,” he said, according to a participant in the meeting. “So they gave us everything that we couldn’t get last year.”

And yet when it came to explaining why he had held back from pressing legislators for publicly financed campaigns, which the people he was addressing saw as the ultimate way to purge the power of money in Albany, Mr. Cuomo took the high road. He said that to have used the Moreland Commission as a threat to bring lawmakers to heel would have been out of bounds.

“I couldn’t say to them, ‘You have to give me a public finance system, or Moreland is going to continue to investigate,’ ” the governor said.

“That would have been unethical, by the way — could have even been worse.”

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג מאי 04, 2010 2:41 pm
לאקאציע: אויפ'ן באשעפער'ס וועלט'ל!

תגובהדורך שמעלקא טויב » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 11:12 am

העמיר זעהן צו אלבערט וועט זיין ארענטליך און אריינרוקן אין קאומע כאטש וויפיל ער האט געהאקט אויף דעם ניו דזשערסי גאווערנער
הק' שמעלקא טויב
נו"נ להחסיד המפורסם רבי שלום טויב ע"ה
shmelketaub@gmail.com

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: מיטוואך נובעמבער 16, 2011 11:30 am

תגובהדורך private » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 12:24 pm

וועל איך זיין העכסט סופרייזט אויב ער גייט דעס בכלל האבן, אפילו אין די נייעס סעקשאן. געווענדלעך איז אזעלעכע נייעס נישט צום געפינען אין די נייעס באריכט.

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 5:26 pm

מידער האט געשריבן:כ'האב נישט געליינט דעם ארטיקל, אבער געוויסע באשלוסן אין יעדע איינציגע רעגירונג קערפערשאפט קען מען אנרופן "קארופציע".

דארף מען יעצט נאר פארשטיין וואס די נ"י טיימס האט קעגן דעם גאווערנאר. צו זאגן אז זיי ווילן העלפן דעם וועסטשעסטער קאונטי עקזעקוטיוו אינעם גאווערנאר פארמעסט, איז זייער שווער. אפשר ווילן זיי אים נישט האבן אינעם 16' דעמאקראטישער פרעזידענט פריימערי? גיי ווייס פאר וועלכען קאמפיין זיי ארבייטן. אפשר טאקע קענען זיי יא באשטיין צו מאכן אביסל לעבעדיג דעם גארווערנאר פארמעסט?


דאס אז די פעדס האבן געמלאדן אז זיי קיקען אריין דערין געט עס א העכערע סטאטוס ווי סתם "געוויסע באשלוסען פון א רעגירונג קערפערשאפט"

דארף מען וויסען.. האט "קאמאו" לעצטענס קריטעקירט אבאמא? איז ער נישט געווען געניג נייס צו אבאמא ביי די סענדי שטורעם?
מיר זענענן דא אין אמעריקע ווי מיר לעבן אינטער אבסעלוט פרייהייט.. גארנישט קימט נישט אומזינסט.. וואס פאר א חשבון האט אבאמא מיט קאמאו אז ער האט זיך גענימען איבער זיינע ביינער??

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 7:32 pm

קאומאו איז געשטאנען ווייט פון אבאמא דורכאויס דעם 12' קאמפיין, און ער האט געמאכט א שטיקל טומל אז ער האט זיך נישט געוואלט באטייליגן ביים דעמאקראטישן קאנווענשאן.

כ'האב מיר נאכנישט גענומען די מיה צו אפליינען דעם טיימס ארטיקל, אבער וויפיל כ'האב געליינט האבן זיי דא נישט קיין ספעציעלע חידושים.

די מעשה איז מער ווייניגער אזוי (ווי איך פארשטיי עס).

אין די לעצטע יארן האט האבן די ניו יארקער פארלוירן דעם טראסט אין אלבעני, נאכדעם וואס עטליכע פאליטישאנס זענען געווארן אנגעקלאגט אויף פארשידענע קלאגעס, און אנדערע באריכטן וואס האבן געזאגט אז די פאליטישע פירער זעלבסט האבן אויסגעבעלט אנדערע פאליטישאנס.

אריינגייענדיג צום ווידעוויילונג קאמפיין, האט דער גאווערנאר זיך גענומען זוכן די אלע "לעכער" אויף וואס א רעפובליקאנער קעגנער זאל אים קענען באשולדיגן, און ער האט געפונען אז אן אפאנענט וואלט גאנץ פיין געקענט אויפשפילן די קארופציע אינרעהאלב די סטעיט קאפיטאל, און יענער וועט מעגליך קענען באשולדיגן קאומאו פאר גארנישט טון דערצו.

אומר ושותה, וועלנדיג ווייזן פאר ניו יארקער אז ער איז גאר דער קארופציע פייטער, האט ער באשלאסן צו אויפשטעלן א "מארלאנד קאמיסיע" וואס זאל אויספארשן פובליק קארופציע, אויסנוצנדיג דעם סטעיט "מארלאנד אקט" געזעץ וועלכע געט גאר ברייטע מאכטן פאר דעם גאווערנאר צו אויספארשן סיי וואס פארדעכטיגט אינערהאלב די סטעיט רעגירונג. די קאמיסיע איז צוזאמגעשטעלט געווארן פון 24 שטארק געשולטע געזעץ היטער פון ארום ניו יארק.

למעשה האבן די חברה באקומען פרעשור פועם גאווערנאר'ס אפיס נישט צו אויספארשן געוויסע פירמעס, און לעגיסלאטורן האבן אריינגעגעבן א קלאגע אין געריכט איז די סובפינעס וואס די קאמיסיע האט זיי דעלאנגט איז נישט לעגאל אויסגעהאלטן.

נאכן זעהן אז די קאמיסיע האט גענומען די ארבייט אביסל ערנסטער ווי ער האט געמיינט, האט דער גאווערנאר אונטער דרוק פון די סטעיט געזעץ געבער ביי די בודזשעט פארהאנדלונגען, גענצליך אויפגעלעזט דעם קאמיסיע, און האט אנשטאט געשטעלט צוימונגען אויף געוויסע קאמפיין באשטייערונגען.

דער גאווארנער האט גלייכצייטיג געלאזט וויסן פאר קריטיקירער, אז די קמיסיע "איז מיין קאמיסיע", און ער האט די פולע רעכטן צו צוזאמשטעלן אדער אויפלעזן אזא קאמיסיע סיין ווען ס'שמעקט אים.

פאר דעם פעדעראלער פראסעקיוטער פון מאנהעטן, פריט בארארא, האט די גאנצע האנדלונג נישט געפאלן, און ער האט צוויי וואכן נאכן אויפלעזונג פון די קאמיסיע באשלאסן צו נעמען די זאך אין די הענט אריין, און האט פארבעטן אלע געפינסן און דאקונמענטן פון די קאמיסיע. בארארא האט אפן קריטיקירט דעם געווארנאר פארן אפשפארן דעם קאמיסיע.

למעשה איז שווער צו זאגן אז מ'זאל קענען אנקלאגן די גאווערנאר איינגעשטעלטע פארן שטערן יוסטיץ, בעת די רעדע איז פון א קאמיסיע אויף וואס ער איז לעגאל געווען בעה"ב.

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: מאנטאג סעפטעמבער 02, 2013 5:13 pm

תגובהדורך אַבּערוואַס » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 8:08 pm

פארשטיי איך נישט, וואס הייסט ער איז בעה"ב? ער פינאנצירט דאס דען פין זיין טאש? דאס קומט דאך פין שטייער-צאלער געלט?!
ווארט א מינוט, לאמיך נאכקוקן...

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: זונטאג אוגוסט 18, 2013 7:09 pm

תגובהדורך מצב כללי » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 8:10 pm

דאס אז ער איז בעה"ב וועט אים לכאורה גארנישט העלפן ווייל למעשה האט ער עס געפענט צו באקעמפן קארופציע און ווען מען איז אנגעקומען צו זיין אפיס האט ער עס פארמאכט, אזוי אויך פארלאנגט צוריקצורופן סובפינעס, דאס שמעקט נישט גוט.

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג יולי 28, 2009 8:23 pm
לאקאציע: ביים נעקסטן שטאפל

תגובהדורך שטארק זיך » מיטוואך יולי 23, 2014 8:31 pm

וויפיל קארופציע איז פארהאן דערינען; מיט וויפיל איז עס אנדערש ווי "ביזנעס עז יודזשועל"?

דאס זענען אלעס גוטע קשיות.

ווירקליך נוגע איז איין זאך: פארוואס פונעם סגנון פונעם טיימס, נעם אויס דעם נאמען "קוי-או-מאו" (המכונה ספאטשיעם), מיינסטו עס רעדט זיך פון א קאנסערוואטיוו!

דאס מיינט שוין עפעס!
What's your MO? mine is
8373
-the KOLBE index
Know - Go - Show - GROW

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דאנארשטאג אוגוסט 09, 2007 1:30 pm
לאקאציע: בקרוב אין וואשינגטאן

תגובהדורך פאטאקי08 » דאנארשטאג יולי 24, 2014 1:44 am

פאליטיקס עס יודזשעל
איז עס ווערט געווען אן עקסטער אשכול?
לכאורה נישט סקען אריין אינעם גאווענער קאמפיין אשכול

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » דינסטאג יולי 29, 2014 8:04 pm

די נ"י צייטונגען זענענן ביזי מיטען סקאנדאל, קאמאו האט עס אדרעסירט נעכטען מאנטאג, אבער טייל צייטונגען רייסען אים אראפ פאר זיין שוואכע ענטפער זאגענדיג אז ער זאל זיין מער אפן וואס עס האט יא אדער נישט פאסירט.

וויבאלד קאמאו איז א דעמקראט {און א גיטע גאוואנער} איז ערווארטעט אז ער זאל עס איבערלעבן..

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » דינסטאג יולי 29, 2014 8:18 pm

וואס ענטפערט ער יעצט?

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » דינסטאג יולי 29, 2014 8:39 pm

מידער האט געשריבן:וואס ענטפערט ער יעצט?


פון WSJ
Cuomo Defends Panel Advice
Governor Says Investigators Operated with 'Total Independence

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo on Monday defended his administration's treatment of an anti-corruption commission, saying his aides offered advice to investigators but that it operated with "total independence."

The Democratic governor, who is running for re-election in November, is facing the most intense political crisis of his career after allegations that his staff, primarily top aide Larry Schwartz, instructed the Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption to avoid pursuing inquiries into entities with ties to Mr. Cuomo.

The governor answered questions from reporters for nearly 40 minutes at an unrelated news conference in Buffalo, N.Y., most of them pertaining to the commission.

Mr. Cuomo called the Moreland Commission "a phenomenal success."

The governor set up the panel last July and gave it subpoena power, staffed it with law-enforcement officials and cut a television advertisement saying its corruption-fighting powers would be "independent."

On Monday, Mr. Cuomo said his office talked with the commission because it was empaneled and staffed by the governor's office.

Moreover, he said the commission was "working with us and the Legislature to try to negotiate [an ethics] bill" and so necessarily corresponded with those arms of the government.

"Independence doesn't mean you get holed up in an ivory tower and don't talk to anyone," Mr. Cuomo said. "This is the exact opposite. They were supposed to be talking to many people."

In the end, the Legislature passed an ethics overhaul package this year, after the commission helped break down resistance.

Mr. Cuomo then disbanded the commission, drawing fire from Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara, who said his investigators would continue the panel's work.

Mr. Cuomo's explanation left some critics dissatisfied. Organizations such as the New York Public Interest Research Group are pressing the governor to provide additional information about his communications with the commission.

"I think the concern is that the governor has many different explanations and some of them are contradictory," said Susan Lerner, the executive director of Common Cause New York.

Mr. Cuomo's Republican election opponent, Rob Astorino, has seized on the controversy, releasing a web advertisement attacking the governor.

On Monday, Mr. Cuomo repeatedly said the examples used to show his aides' alleged interference actually demonstrated the commission's independence.

Last fall, Mr. Schwartz urged the commission to withdraw a subpoena to a media-buying firm, Buying Time, that had done work for Mr. Cuomo's 2010 gubernatorial campaign.

The commission did so, but several weeks later it re-issued the subpoena. By ultimately sending the subpoena, Mr. Cuomo said, the commission proved it wasn't subject to the governor's wishes.

"That's not a sign of interference," he said. "That's demonstrable proof of independence." A Moreland chairman, Onondaga County District Attorney William Fitzpatrick, defended the governor in a statement: "Nobody 'interfered' with me or my co-chairs," he said. "I'm not a rigid person and I prefer to absorb as much advice as I can before making major decisions."


די קריטיקער זאגען אז קאמאו איז זיך סותר מינה וביה, ער זאגט אז ער האט געמעגט אויפלעזן די קאמיסע וויבאלד עס איז געווען "זיין" קאמסיע..

אבער ער פארענפערט זיך אז די קאמיסיע האט געארבייט אינדעפענדעט און ער האט נישט אריינגערעדט אין זייערע באשלוסען...

איז עס געווען זיינס און געארבייט מיט אים, און פאר אים האט מען געדארפט ברענגן די רוזעלטאטען? אדער איז עס געווען א אינדעפענדעט קאמסיע?

עס כאפט א נפק"מ צו ער האט עס געמעקט אויפלעזן נאך וואס זיי האבן געפארשט זיין אדעמנסטראציע..

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » דאנארשטאג יולי 31, 2014 8:36 am

מאדענע אז די נ"י טיימס האלט נישט ביים נאכלאזען פינעם סקאנדאל, היינט אינעם טיימס..

U.S. Attorney Warns Cuomo on Ethics Case


קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

In an escalation of the confrontation between the United States attorney in Manhattan, Preet Bharara, and Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo over the governor’s cancellation of his own anticorruption commission, Mr. Bharara has threatened to investigate the Cuomo administration for possible obstruction of justice or witness tampering.

The warning, in a sharply worded letter from Mr. Bharara’s office, came after several members of the panel issued public statements defending the governor’s handling of the panel, known as the Moreland Commission, which Mr. Cuomo created last year with promises of cleaning up corruption in state politics but shut down abruptly in March.

Mr. Bharara’s office has been investigating the shutdown of the commission, and pursuing its unfinished corruption cases, since April.

In the letter, sent late Wednesday afternoon to a lawyer for the panel, prosecutors alluded to a number of statements made by its members on Monday, which generally defended Mr. Cuomo’s handling of the commission. The statements were released on the same day Mr. Cuomo first publicly responded to a report in The New York Times that described how he and his aides had compromised the commission’s work.

At least some of those statements were prompted by calls from the governor or his emissaries, according to people with direct knowledge of the situation who were unwilling to be named for fear of reprisal.

One commissioner who received a call from an intermediary on behalf of the governor’s office said he found the call upsetting and declined to make a statement.

The letter from prosecutors, which was read to The New York Times, says, “We have reason to believe a number of commissioners recently have been contacted about the commission’s work, and some commissioners have been asked to issue public statements characterizing events and facts regarding the commission’s operation.”

“To the extent anyone attempts to influence or tamper with a witness’s recollection of events relevant to our investigation, including the recollection of a commissioner or one of the commission’s employees, we request that you advise our office immediately, as we must consider whether such actions constitute obstruction of justice or tampering with witnesses that violate federal law.”

Reached late Wednesday night, a spokesman for the governor did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the letter from Mr. Bharara’s office. A lawyer for the commission declined to comment on the letter.

The Times reported last week that Mr. Cuomo’s office had deeply compromised the panel’s work, objecting when it focused on groups with political ties to Mr. Cuomo, a Democrat who is seeking re-election, or on issues that might reflect poorly on him.

The Times’s article prompted condemnations from government watchdog groups and newspaper editorial boards. Mr. Cuomo, facing perhaps the harshest scrutiny of his three and a half years as governor, remained out of public view for five days as criticism mounted. 

Late Sunday night, Mr. Cuomo’s office announced that he would make an appearance in Buffalo on Monday morning, setting in motion what appeared to be a coordinated effort by Mr. Cuomo and his aides to present a defense for their conduct.

Just hours before Mr. Cuomo faced reporters, one of the co-chairs of the commission, William J. Fitzpatrick, released a three-page statement in which he asserted that “nobody ‘interfered’ with me or my co-chairs.”
Facing questions from the news media, Mr. Cuomo repeatedly cited the statement by Mr. Fitzpatrick, the Onondaga County district attorney. The governor called the statement “very helpful,” explaining that Mr. Fitzpatrick “knows better than anyone else what happened with the Moreland Commission.”

“Now we have facts that we can actually deal with, right?” Mr. Cuomo said.

Mr. Fitzpatrick’s statement seemed at odds with frustration he had expressed to colleagues last year; in one email reported by The Times, he wrote that Mr. Cuomo’s office “needs to understand this is an INDEPENDENT commission and needs to be treated as such.” Mr. Cuomo dismissed that email as “snippets of conversations.”

Mr. Fitzpatrick’s statement on Monday also appeared to contradict previous statements he made to federal prosecutors, according to three people briefed on the matter but not authorized to speak on the record.  Mr. Fitzpatrick did not immediately return a call late Wednesday seeking comment.

Also Monday, Thomas P. Zugibe, the Rockland County district attorney and a commission member, released a statement in which he asserted that the panel “did incredible work” and said, “At all times it was clear that all investigatory decisions were within the exclusive discretion of the Commission.”

Another commission member, Frank A. Sedita III, the Erie County district attorney, issued a statement that acknowledged there had been “rumors” that Mr. Cuomo’s office had sought to block the issuance of some subpoenas. But he said that Mr. Cuomo’s office ultimately “agreed not to interfere with our work.”

And in an interview with Gannett, Gerald F. Mollen, the Broome County district attorney, said he believed that he and his colleagues had “absolute independence to go wherever the commission wanted and the governor could not stop us if we choose to go somewhere.”

The letter noted “the commissioners and the commission’s employees are important witnesses in this ongoing investigation, and information from those with personal knowledge of facts of the investigation is highly material to that investigation.”

The letter warned that tampering with the recollections of commission members or employees could be a crime, and directed them to preserve any records of “actual or attempted contact” along those lines.

James Margolin, a spokesman for the United States attorney’s office, declined to comment Wednesday night.



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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » פרייטאג אוגוסט 01, 2014 9:55 am

ALBANY — Gov. Cuomo has lawyered up in response to the growing scandal over the way he handled his anti-corruption commission, the Daily News has learned

Cuomo hired prominent white-collar criminal defense lawyer Elkan Abramowitz in May to represent the governor’s office in U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara’s probe into the administration’s dealings with the Moreland Commission, sources told The News

Cuomo’s top aides, Secretary to the Governor Larry Schwartz and counsel Mylan Denerstein, have also hired their own personal attorneys, the sources said. Cuomo separately has sought advice from several lawyers, the sources said

Abramowitz confirmed to The News, which first broke the story on nydailynews.com, that he was hired to represent the executive chamber. He said he is serving in much the same role Denerstein might have filled if she wasn’t a potential witness in Bharara’s probe. Denerstein, who is leaving the administration soon, is scheduled to meet with Bharara’s investigators sometime this month

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » מאנטאג אוגוסט 04, 2014 1:41 pm

cuomo__deblasio_08283.jpg

Cuomo fears the worst as first polls after scandal approach


Gov. Andrew Cuomo, “crazed with anger” and increasingly abusive to those around him, fears the first round of public polling since the “Morelandgate” scandal will take a major toll on his — until-now — sky-high popularity, administration insiders say

He won’t have long to wait

A poll designed to gauge the scandal’s impact will be released this week by the Marist Institute of Public Opinion and it could have a major impact on Cuomo’s race against Republican Rob Astorino and on his Democratic primary battle with Zephyr Teach­out, a Fordham law professor

Administration insiders, aware of private polling data already collected by Cuomo’s campaign, say the public poll likely will show the governor’s approval rating plummeting. “The bad news is starting to stick. This is very serious,’’ a senior Cuomo

A second source close to Cuomo said, “We know the governor is damaged. The only question is how badly

קאוד: וועל אויס אלע

Cuomo fears a drop in the polls will trigger an influx of funds and other aid to Astorino’s cash-starved campaign and boost momentum for Teachout’s challenge. Sources described Cuomo, who has “lawyered up’’ in the face of an ongoing criminal investigation by Southern District US Attorney Preet Bharara, as angry at his staff and furious at himself — especially over last week’s mishandling of what was supposed to be a carefully prepared counteroffensive against the scandal.
“Andrew tried to be too cute by half. He was going to orchestrate a response to the scandal to show there’s really no scandal there, but instead, he may have been involved in a federal crime,’’ said a longtime Cuomo associate, referring to Bharara’s warning to Cuomo last week that he could be guilty of interfering with federal witnesses. “Now he’s crazed with anger, and he’s taking it out on a lot of people around him,’’ the associate continued.
Cuomo’s mood was further inflamed when Teachout’s name was placed over the governor’s on the primary ballot late last week by the state Board of Elections.
Cuomo sharply stepped up his campaign advertisements in recent days in hopes of bolstering his popularity as he seeks to lay the “corrupt’’ label on Astorino — a difficult argument since the governor is at the center of one of the worst ethics scandals in recent years.
He’s also engaged in a politically risky effort to knock Teachout off the ballot, contending she doesn’t meet the state’s five-year residency requirement.
Should Cuomo lose to Teachout in court, she’ll likely pick up even more momentum.
Meanwhile, one of the state’s most influential Democratic consultants noted how few Democrats were publicly backing Cuomo over the scandal — in contrast with how many Republicans defended a nearby governor in the face of an ethics probe.
“When [New Jersey Gov. Chris] Christie first had ‘Bridgegate,’ a lot of national Republicans defended him, Mitt Romney chief among them,” the consultant said. “But Democrats don’t want to touch this with a 10-foot pole and that’s because the chickens are coming home to roost for Cuomo.
“He never lifted a finger for the Democratic Party, including President Obama, so no one feels the need to defend him one iota,’’ the consultant continued.
Mayor Bill de Blasio has expressed his confidence in Cuomo, and, not surprisingly, former Gov. Mario Cuomo has weighed in on his son’s behalf.
Christie, head of the Republican Governors Association, is still refusing to provide financial or other assistance to Astorino’s campaign, despite Cuomo’s worsening ethics scandal.
And so is the Christie-controlled RGA, whose massive expenditures and sophisticated website provide support for GOP candidates for governor across the nation — except in New York. Top RGA staffers repeatedly refused to explain the glaring omission.
“Christie stabbing Astorino in the back irks every GOP voter in New York,’’ Assemblyman Steve McLaughlin (R-Rensselaer), a key Astorino backer, said Sunday.
Astorino, his aides and even many Democrats believe Christie, mired in the Bridgegate scandal, has a peace pact with Cuomo under which neither will criticize the other.

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » מאנטאג אוגוסט 04, 2014 1:49 pm

שרייבט ווער?

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: דינסטאג נובעמבער 09, 2010 11:39 am

תגובהדורך מחותן » מאנטאג אוגוסט 04, 2014 1:50 pm

פאוסט

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: פרייטאג מאי 06, 2011 11:55 am
לאקאציע: אונטער פרעשור

תגובהדורך מידער » מאנטאג אוגוסט 04, 2014 1:56 pm

אה, דאס מאכט שוין סענס.

זיי זוכן צו פארגרעסערן די שאדנס וואס די אנקעטע זאל אנמאכן.

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זיך איינגעשריבען אום: זונטאג יוני 14, 2015 2:26 pm

גאווענער קאומא צו ווערן אנגעקלאגט?

תגובהדורך זאל זיין אזוי » דינסטאג דעצמבער 01, 2015 9:32 pm

העלמיר גיין פתיחה

און ס'מעדרש האב איך יעצט מיטגעהאלטן א קיפקע וואס ווייסט צו פארציילן אז פעדעראלע פראסיקוטער בעהררא (זייט'ס מיר מוחל אויב ספעל איך נישט ריכטוג) גרייט זיך אנצוקלאגען גאווערנער קאומא און זיין געהילף קאקא, איינער ווייסט א מקור? (חוץ קולמע וואס מעלדט דאס און די בולטין אפטיילונג)


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